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Serious: the campaign remains pointless despite the track record

That game is embraced by Elisa Karic and the Radicals. The latter are silent on some complaints now because they have no other option. For example, pronouncing Makri in the middle of the campaign in favor of blue scarves. No one talks about abortion in the midst of an election campaign unless despair reigns. Many then argue that this strategy is too risky not to be a picture of despair.

The economic proposals that Together for Change launches in the campaign have important characteristics of reason, despite taking the weight of what has happened to the government in that sense in the last two years. Especially when it comes to reducing taxes on small and medium-sized enterprises, encouraging education or opening up the economy. The problem is and there were times; This is what the voter was expecting from Makri in December 2015, not now.

The same goes for social plans. An anonymous tweet these days shows the surgical feeling of a Makirist originator: "Maurizio would have won by going if he had not spent middle-class money on social plans." Very heavy sentence that has a direct correlation to the intersection that was created these days between Carolina Stanley, Picot and Bulrich when it was proposed to announce as a campaign measure that social plans would only provide one-year assistance to each user. That is, an attempt to respond to that middle-class pressure on the state to subsidize taxes that Makri's government has not only fought for but also increased. In fact, Stanley's team, with Marcos Peña, yesterday denied by Posadas that this figure would be analyzed.

If Macri has serious problems with his strategy, Alberto F., who also tends to be closer to achieving the presidency, also goes from one headache to the next.

A few weeks ago, Frant de Todos's candidate was able to show a civilized table where he was sitting in the Industrial Union and the CGT. After that meeting, Miguel Acevedo came out to demand labor reform, an almost essential issue on the agenda of almost all Argentine economists, including Alberto F. himself. (it is true that without specifying which paths) he raised them as needed. The next day the CGT started protesting and Matthias Kulfas had to leave (for some to sit closer to the economy) to announce that "Argentina does not need any labor reform". These are questions of obvious balance in the campaign, but those messages are still written.

The tough fight that Alberto F. will have debt and discussion on how to mitigate the deadlines that fall in the next two years (maximum triggering of the world's distrust of the Argentine economy) will condition the first months of his term, but it is also true that talks with the funds and banks are already on the move and proposals to extend the deadlines have begun to reach the presidential candidate. Interestingly, it may not end up being the thorniest front. It would not be the first time the market has closed such an operation with Argentina.

To continue to diagnose problems, you need to look at the field not only because of the protests in that sector, but also because it always comes with the dry, which worries many; They recommend praying for water to arrive well between October and early November, as December may be too late.

Social organizations do not help either: Juan Grabois predicted Alberto F. yesterday. A 100-day honeymoon and warned him that they would again protest in the street after that. Other social movements, such as the ones who took Avinida 9 de Julio last September 13, are extorting money from Makri and Alberto, and this is not new because their business is going through the social development window, as they told the media without shame. But Grabo's strategy also sounds extortionate with the aggravating part of Chircherism itself, though Pope Franco's friend denies that his relationship with Cristina de Kirchner is so close.

Yesterday Anabal Fernandez was also able to moderate his verb and clearly did not want to; This time it was not to avoid complicating the candidate for president of Peronism, but Axel Kicilof. "I would be the governor as Kicilof would be," he joked, another round of the campaign that had already entered the kingdom of the incomprehensible.

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